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Conversely, in Brazil, Gilberto Freyre’s influential Casa-Grande & Senzala (1933) famously framed mestizaje as the nation’s unique strength, creating a myth of "racial democracy" that denied systemic discrimination. Freyre argued that Portuguese colonialism’s tolerance for miscegenation produced a harmonious, multiracial society. This narrative proved politically useful for the Getúlio Vargas regime (1930–1945), which promoted brasilidade (Brazilianness) as a celebration of samba, carnival, and feijoada —all of which have African roots. Yet, as scholar Abdias do Nascimento powerfully critiqued, the myth of racial democracy effectively blocked anti-racist mobilization for decades. By claiming Brazil had no racial barriers, the state delegitimized Black political movements, such as the Frente Negra Brasileira, and erased structural racism in housing, employment, and education. Mestizaje here became a form of embranquecimento : a social imperative for Black and Indigenous peoples to "improve the race" through marriage with whites, implicitly valuing European traits over others.

The unifying potential of mestizaje was most powerfully deployed in post-revolutionary Mexico (c. 1920–1940). After the devastation of the Mexican Revolution, elites sought to forge a cohesive national identity from a deeply fractured, predominantly rural population. Under the guidance of Minister of Education José Vasconcelos, the government promoted indigenismo —a state-sponsored appreciation for Indigenous art and archaeology—while actively seeking to integrate Indigenous peoples into mestizo society through education, land reform, and literacy campaigns. Muralists like Diego Rivera painted grand visions of Mexico’s Indigenous past, making the campesino a symbol of national authenticity. This strategy successfully reduced ethnic conflict and created a shared cultural vocabulary. However, as anthropologist Guillermo Bonfil Batalla later argued, this was "Mexico Profundo" versus an "imaginary Mexico." The state celebrated dead Indigenous civilizations while marginalizing living Indigenous languages, legal systems, and communal governance. To be mestizo was to speak Spanish, wear Western clothes, and accept capitalist labor relations—a process that rendered Indigenous identity a folkloric relic rather than a living political reality. hd latino

The Andean region offers a starker example of mestizaje as erasure through cultural homogenization. In Peru and Bolivia, indigenista policies of the mid-20th century aimed to "incorporate" Indigenous communities into the nation-state by dismantling their communal landholdings (the comunidad ) and imposing Spanish-language education. The 1952 Bolivian National Revolution, despite its radical land reform, promoted mestizaje as a national project that required Indigenous peoples to adopt urban, mestizo customs—abandoning ponchos for suits and Quechua or Aymara for Spanish. This process, known as cholaje , created a new social category—the cholo —as an intermediate, aspirational identity. Yet, as Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui has shown, this was not horizontal mixture but a vertical ladder: to become mestizo was to climb away from indigeneity, which was coded as backward, illiterate, and pre-modern. The result was the systematic devaluation of Indigenous knowledge systems, from agricultural techniques to spiritual practices, in favor of Western modernity. Yet, as scholar Abdias do Nascimento powerfully critiqued,